Warning: This explainer covers issues of sexual violence, which might be triggering. It is being published with the aim of raising awareness of these crimes and the need for justice.
From Syria to Israel and the Occupied Palestinian Territory, from the Democratic Republic of Congo to Ethiopia, and Myanmar, conflict-related sexual violence occurs across the world with devastating regularity. It is perpetrated by government forces and armed groups to terrify and control communities, punish perceived opponents and force displacement. It is also a massively underreported crime.
Lauren Aarons, Amnesty International's Senior Adviser on Gender, Conflict and International Justice, answers key questions to understand the extent of this crime, what should be done to tackle it and support survivors.
When discussing conflict-related sexual violence people often first think of rape, but it extends far beyond that. It also includes sexual slavery, enforced prostitution, forced pregnancy, enforced sterilization, trafficking in persons for the purpose of sexual exploitation, and threats of rape or sexual violence. Sexual violence is not limited to physical invasion but can encompass a range of physical and non-physical acts that violate sexual autonomy and sexual integrity. It is often characterized by humiliation, domination, and destruction.
Recently, for example, I spoke to Palestinian women from Gaza who reported being subjected to invasive strip searches by Israeli forces during detention. Some women described being strip searched more than ten times, including while blindfolded or handcuffed, or while being mocked or laughed at. While strip searches may be lawful in limited circumstances, their use for a coercive, punitive or humiliating purpose can amount to sexual violence, torture or other ill-treatment under international law.
Who are the perpetrators?
Sometimes the perpetrators of conflict-related sexual violence are members of armed groups; sometimes they are state forces, prison officials or militias operating alongside states. The link to the conflict can take many forms far from the battlefield, including within the context of detention, displacement, occupation or the collapse of institutions and protection systems. The sexual violence may be opportunistic, tolerated by commanders, or part of a broader strategy. Under international law, conflict-related sexual violence is prohibited by human rights law and international humanitarian law. It may also constitute torture, a war crime, a crime against humanity, and/or an act of genocide, depending on the circumstances.
Does sexual violence during conflicts only happen to women and girls?
Women and girls are disproportionately affected by conflict-related sexual violence because of entrenched gender inequality and discrimination. But sexual violence is committed against people of all genders. Men, boys and LGBTQI people are also subjected to these crimes, including in detention settings, at checkpoints, during displacement and in situations of trafficking or exploitation. Amnesty International has documented sexual violence as a form of torture against men and boys in Syria, as well as targeting people on the basis of their real or perceived sexual orientation or gender identity in Yemen, among other contexts.
The impacts are also often gender specific. Women and girls may face unwanted pregnancy, reproductive health complications, social exclusion or forced marriage. Men and boys often describe immense stigma and shame linked to harmful ideas about masculinity, which can make disclosure extremely difficult. LGBTQI survivors may fear criminalization, retaliation or exclusion from support services.
How often are these crimes reported?
Conflict-related sexual violence is massively underreported. Many survivors we speak with had never formally reported what happened to them. Some feared they would not be believed. Others feared retaliation or stigma. In many contexts, survivors also lack access to confidential healthcare, psychosocial support, or trusted reporting mechanisms that would facilitate disclosure.
Investigating these crimes is also extremely difficult during active conflict. Access to locations may be blocked, forensic evidence unavailable, and survivors displaced across borders. For example, while the Israeli authorities have taken steps to investigate crimes committed during the 7 October 2023 attacks by Palestinian armed groups amid significant challenges, gaps in the collection of evidence in the days immediately after the attacks meant that crucial evidence was lost, including evidence that might have advanced an understanding of what sexual violence was committed.
For survivors, the consequences can be devastating and lifelong. They may suffer serious physical injuries, sexually transmitted infections, unwanted pregnancies, infertility and long-term mental health impacts including trauma, depression and post-traumatic stress disorder.
Family members are also directly affected. Sometimes they are forced to watch the sexual violence, a form of abuse in itself. Others may face inter-generational trauma. Children born following sexual violence may themselves face stigma and exclusion. In some contexts, the effects ripple across generations and entire communities.
Rarely. One of the hardest things about documenting conflict-related sexual violence is that impunity remains the norm, and that survivors so rarely see justice. Perpetrators often benefit from weak justice systems, political protection, insecurity or lack of access to courts. Even where prosecutions do happen, the sexual violence itself is frequently ignored or sidelined. For example, many members of the Islamic State armed group and Boko Haram have been prosecuted for terrorism-related offences without facing charges specifically reflecting the sexual violence survivors described.
Members of state armed forces also frequently enjoy impunity. Amnesty International has documented widespread sexual violence by Nigerian security forces against women and girls affected by the conflict with Boko Haram, yet accountability has remained extremely limited.
A survivor-centred approach means putting the rights, dignity, autonomy and priorities of survivors first. The concept has been strongly emphasized within the UN Security Council's work on conflict-related sexual violence, but at its core it is quite simple: survivors should not be retraumatized, treated merely as evidence for criminal cases, or instrumentalized. They should have access to healthcare, psychosocial support, legal assistance and protection, they should be able to make informed choices about whether to report abuses and be able to participate in state decision-making that affects them.
Healthcare should be comprehensive, including sexual and reproductive healthcare. Survivors of rape and other forms of sexual violence may need treatment for sexually transmitted infections, psychosocial support, maternal healthcare, emergency contraception, or safe abortion services. Denying survivors this care can compound the trauma, put their health and lives at further risk, and constitute an additional violation.
One thing survivors consistently tell us is that justice means different things to different people. Some want prosecutions and their day in court. Others speak first about healthcare, financial support, or simply wanting someone to acknowledge what happened to them. Many survivors I've met with have loved ones missing or subjected to an enforced disappearance and so finding them is their biggest priority. A genuinely survivor-centred response means listening to those priorities rather than assuming every survivor wants the same thing. It also means recognizing and supporting survivors' efforts to organize, document abuses, support one another and advocate for justice.
What are “reparations†and why aren't prison sentences enough?
Reparations are measures intended to acknowledge and remedy the harm suffered by survivors of human rights violations. They can include financial compensation, medical and psychological care, education, livelihood support, memorialization, official apologies, legal reforms and guarantees that abuses will not happen again. Reparations are not an alternative to criminal accountability — both are core elements of justice.
Governments must act to prevent conflict-related sexual violence, promptly investigate all allegations, and bring perpetrators to justice in fair proceedings. They must also ensure survivors have access to healthcare, psychosocial support, reparations, and protection from further harm according to their own priorities and needs.
Conflict-related sexual violence does not occur in a vacuum. It is closely linked to gender inequality, discrimination, militarization, poverty, and broader systems of exclusion and impunity. Responses therefore need to go beyond rhetoric and address the conditions that allow these abuses to flourish.
There's something else: Too often, states practice selective outrage. For example, they condemn sexual violence when committed by political opponents and ignore allegations against their own forces or allies. Or champion support to some survivors, while denying it to others — including migrants, refugees, or people accused of association with non-state armed groups. Yet all survivors deserve the same commitment to justice.
How can people help stop these crimes in their countries?
People can help combat conflict-related sexual violence by demanding real action from governments, including credible investigations, prosecutions, reparations, and meaningful support for survivors.
People can also support — financially, politically and publicly — the organizations working directly with survivors, including survivor-groups, local women-led groups, refugee support organizations, legal aid providers and trauma specialists.
Finally, it's crucial to oppose sexual violence consistently, irrespective of who the victims or perpetrators are. Solidarity must extend across ethnic, national, religious, and conflict lines, wherever it occurs.
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